1 Introduction:
New dynamics of migration, interethnic conflict, socioeconomic class differences, and social segregation are increasingly brought into confrontation in public debate and have become a growing focus of study in the Social Sciences. Embracing the growing social diversity brought about by modernization and globalization entails promoting a more inclusive, respectful, and equitable society—one that accepts people for who they are, regardless of their cultural, ethnic, religious, or class differences. Learning to accept and value diversity can help individuals develop important life skills such as empathy and tolerance. So far, sociological research has often focused on analyzing the position of different social groups within the social structure and the challenges they face in integrating into society (Viveros Vigoya, 2016; Wade, 2000; Young, 2000). However, two fundamental elements have often been neglected within this line of research. First, there has been limited attention paid to the process of social inclusion within schools (Blanco, 2006) and to how students perceive other social groups in their everyday interactions—that is, whether they accept or reject groups different from their own outside of school spaces, particularly in their neighborhoods. Second, growing attention is now being paid to the processes through which people learn or reproduce attitudes of acceptance or rejection toward specific social groups, and to the importance of both schools (Malak-Minkiewicz & Torney-Purta, 2021; Sandoval-Hernández et al., 2018) and families (Bandura, 1969; Santander Ramírez et al., 2020) in shaping these attitudes. Socialization processes refer to the ways in which young people learn and adapt to the norms, values, and behaviors expected of them in society. In school, students are exposed to a wide range of cultures, beliefs, and experiences that are essential for providing opportunities to learn about and appreciate diversity within their schools and communities. Accordingly, this research seeks to address the various socialization processes involved in the development of attitudes of acceptance or rejection toward different social groups in the neighborhoods where students live.
Following global trends, the sustained economic development of recent years has led to a shift in social demands—from those centered on survival values (such as socioeconomic demands, social rights, and access to basic services) toward demands for self-expression, creativity, and democratization. These emerging demands contribute to the reorganization of sexual norms, gender roles, family values, religiosity, people’s relationships with nature, and community engagement (Inglehart & Welzel, 2001). As a result, significant challenges have arisen in relation to democracy, citizenship, and social cohesion. In an international study spanning 21 countries using World Values Survey data, Vala & Costa-Lopes (2010) found that young people tend to be more tolerant than older individuals toward stigmatized groups and groups perceived as racially or ethnically different. In Chile, several studies have underscored the importance of examining social diversity within the school context. This is particularly relevant due to the increasing enrollment of migrant students at the national level (Alarcón-Leiva & Gotelli-Alvial, 2021; Bustos González & Díaz Aguad, 2018; Caqueo-Urízar et al., 2019; Gelber et al., 2021; Jiménez Vargas, 2014; Mera-Lemp et al., 2020), the rise in interethnic conflicts (Figueiredo et al., 2020; Webb & Radcliffe, 2015) and ongoing class-based tensions and patterns of social segregation (Gonzalez & Dupriez, 2016; Hernández & Raczynski, 2015; Rodrigo & Oyarzo, 2021).
Addressing the development of attitudes toward social acceptance among school-aged youth requires situating this research within the broader context of increasing social diversity, which poses significant challenges for nation-states globally in terms of public policy. These challenges arise both from governmental, territorial, and socioeconomic implications, and from the new demands placed on educational systems regarding the inclusion and tolerance of increasingly diverse student populations. In Chile, various international treaties have been ratified to safeguard diversity—such as human rights conventions, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the International Labour Organization’s Convention No. 169. These commitments have been translated into a range of educational policies aimed at promoting the inclusion of diverse sectors of society within the educational system.
Within this context, the School Inclusion Law stands out. It regulates, among other aspects, the equitable admission of students—regardless of social class or academic selection—into educational institutions (Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional, 2015) Another relevant policy is the Bilingual Intercultural Education Program (PEIB), which originated in the 1990s and was consolidated between 2010 and 2016. Its goal is to create conditions for inclusive social processes within school communities that serve both Indigenous and non-Indigenous students. The program seeks to develop new competencies by incorporating alternative worldviews into the educational process and fostering recognition, appreciation, and adaptation to diverse cultural backgrounds (Ministerio de Educación, 2017). On the other hand, while the enrollment of migrant students in the Chilean school system increased by 616% between 2014 and 2016—and has tripled since 2016 (Roessler et al., 2020) there are still no specific policies or programs in place to address this growing population..
The learning objectives associated with citizenship education in schools aim to respond to the need to prepare new generations for life in a democracy and its corresponding moral and cognitive demands (Cox & García, 2015). Chile’s new Citizenship Education Law (Law No. 20.911) mandates that all educational institutions must design a Citizenship Education Plan to provide students with the necessary preparation to assume a responsible life in a free society, oriented toward the holistic development of the human person as the foundation of the democratic system, social justice, and progress (Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional, 2016). Among its main objectives, the law seeks to promote understanding and critical analysis of the concept of citizenship and the rights and responsibilities associated with it. It also aims to foster students’ appreciation for the country’s social and cultural diversity and to encourage tolerance and pluralism (Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional, 2016).
However, the notion of tolerance directed toward the existence of social diversity highlights a distinction between the acceptance, respect, and appreciation of difference, and the homogenizing inclusion of diverse social groups within schools. The definition of interculturality adopted by the Chilean educational system has been functional to the status quo, as it tends to absorb difference and homogenize it (Riedemann et al., 2020). In doing so, it renders invisible and reproduces forms of discrimination rooted in processes of racialization, gendering, and class-based differentiation, aligning more closely with the notion of multiculturalism than with that of genuine interculturality (Stefoni et al., 2016). This conceptual confusion regarding the goals of intercultural education results in ineffective public policies and an inability to foster a society that truly embraces diversity and promotes cooperation across differences (Donoso Romo et al., 2006). As a consequence, the Chilean educational system, in practice, tends to emphasize the integration of different social groups into the national society—so that they may access the benefits afforded to all citizens—rather than pursuing the coexistence of multiple diversities (Donoso Romo et al., 2006). This contradiction generates tensions within educational institutions: on the one hand, they are expected to value social and cultural diversity within the classroom; on the other, they are required to comply with standardized accountability mechanisms that fail to reflect or accommodate such diversity (Riedemann et al., 2020).
Thus, although socialization processes have expanded and become more complex alongside modernization and globalization, the roles of the school and the family remain the principal agents of socialization. For sociology, understanding education as a key agent in the socialization of younger generations is essential. In contrast, the role of the family has received comparatively less attention within sociology, having been more extensively studied within the field of social psychology. Research on tolerance and inclusion among youth populations has often focused on issues related to migration flows and the integration of migrant populations into national education systems, particularly examining how schools facilitate the entry and inclusion of diverse students (Bellei, 2013; Ortiz, 2016; Stefoni et al., 2016), or how schools may influence (in)tolerance and prejudice toward immigrants, ethnic minorities, or sexual dissidents (Lee, 2014; Maurissen et al., 2020; Treviño et al., 2018). Regarding the role of the family, some studies have shown that parental attitudes can influence interethnic conflict among their children (Medjedovic & Petrovic, 2021), shape students’ attitudes toward one or more subordinate groups depending on levels of tolerance (Farkač et al., 2020) and that parents’ political participation can affect the political engagement of the younger generation (Bacovsky & Fitzgerald, 2021).
Moreover, in highly unequal societies such as Chile, socioeconomic resources act as a key mechanism of differentiation. Research has shown the predominant role of families’ socioeconomic resources as a determinant of academic achievement (Bellei, 2013), as well as the importance of school choice in shaping and reproducing segregation and stratification within the educational system (Hernández & Raczynski, 2015). Furthermore, Easterbrook & Hadden (2021) sargues that some groups of students—typically those who have historically experienced disadvantage in society—often face identity threat and feel that their social identity is incompatible with educational success. This contributes significantly to educational outcome disparities across groups, even beyond existing economic, historical, and structural inequalities.
This research seeks to understand how the political socialization processes occurring within the family and the school interact and give rise to dispositions that lead either to the exclusion or acceptance of certain social groups. Accordingly, the research question guiding this study is: To what extent are different socialization processes able to influence the attitudes of Chilean students toward social diversity in their neighborhoods?
1.1 General Objective
To analyze the role of the family and the school as agents of political socialization of attitudes among Chilean students.
1.2 Specific Objectives
To determine the extent to which Chilean primary-level students accept or reject the presence of different social groups living in their neighborhoods.
To analyze the role of the family in the political socialization of attitudes toward social diversity.
To analyze the role of the school in the political socialization of attitudes toward social diversity.